How we cite our quotes: (Part.Chapter.Paragraph)
Quote #1
In all these households she could hear stories of political outrage; friends, relatives, ruined, imprisoned, killed in the battles of senseless civil wars, barbarously executed in ferocious proscriptions, as though the government of the country had been a struggle of lust between bands of absurd devils let loose upon the land with sabres and uniforms and grandiloquent phrases. And on all the lips she found a weary desire for peace, the dread of officialdom with its nightmarish parody of administration without law, without security, and without justice. (I.7.5)
The "she" here is Mrs. Gould. This is one of many references to the country's long history of wars and infighting, which, in Mrs. Gould's view, the country is tired of.
Quote #2
The club, dating from the days of the proclamation of Costaguana's independence, boasted many names of liberators amongst its first founders. Suppressed arbitrarily innumerable times by various Governments, with memories of proscriptions and of at least one wholesale massacre of its members, sadly assembled for a banquet by the order of a zealous military commandante (their bodies were afterwards stripped naked and flung into the plaza out of the windows by the lowest scum of the populace), it was again flourishing, at that period, peacefully. (I.8.4)
Here, we get a gruesome glimpse at a previous chapter in Sulaco's history in which members of the Aristocratic Club were invited to lunch and then tossed out the window after the meal. The sheer number of these violent stories in this novel is pretty impressive.
Quote #3
The string of padlocked carts lengthened, the size of the escort grew bigger as the years went on. Every three months an increasing stream of treasure swept through the streets of Sulaco on its way to the strong room in the O.S.N. Co.'s building by the harbour, there to await shipment for the North. Increasing in volume, and of immense value also; for, as Charles Gould told his wife once with some exultation, there had never been seen anything in the world to approach the vein of the Gould Concession. For them both, each passing of the escort under the balconies of the Casa Gould was like another victory gained in the conquest of peace for Sulaco. (I.8.43)
As already mentioned elsewhere, Charles claimed to see the San Tomé mine not just as an opportunity for financial gain, but also a means of ensuring lasting peace for his country.
Quote #4
For his part he did not wish to revive old political doctrines. They were perishable. They died. But the doctrine of political rectitude was immortal. The second Sulaco regiment, to whom he was presenting this flag, was going to show its valour in a contest for order, peace, progress; for the establishment of national self-respect without which—he declared with energy—"we are a reproach and a byword amongst the powers of the world." (II.1.4)
Don José seems to view the upcoming tussle with the Monterists as a kind of "war to end all wars" that will, he hopes, help reestablish some "self-respect."
Quote #5
"Yet this monster, imbrued in the blood of his countrymen, must not be held unreservedly to the execration of future years. It appears to be true that he, too, loved his country. He had given it twelve years of peace; and, absolute master of lives and fortunes as he was, he died poor. His worst fault, perhaps, was not his ferocity, but his ignorance." The man who could write thus of a cruel persecutor (the passage occurs in his "History of Misrule") felt at the foreshadowing of success an almost boundless affection for his two helpers, for these two young people from over the sea. (II.1.15)
It may seem odd, but apparently Bento, the evil dictator, was good at keeping the peace (before he went insane and started torturing his people). By contrast, war breaks out immediately when Ribiera, who is reported to be a fairly swell guy with very non-evil inclinations, comes to power. What gives?
Quote #6
Less than six months after the President-Dictator's visit, Sulaco learned with stupefaction of the military revolt in the name of national honour. The Minister of War, in a barrack-square allocution to the officers of the artillery regiment he had been inspecting, had declared the national honour sold to foreigners. (II.2.3)
Okay, perhaps it was taking on the nickname of "President-Dictator" that rubbed certain people the wrong way? Or maybe it's just as Montero said, and they didn't like how in bed he was with foreign interests.
In any case, less than six months into his rule, Ribiera's supposed Minister of War started up a war against him. Maybe Montero thought that fell within his "Minister of War" duties?
Quote #7
"We Occidentals," said Martin Decoud, using the usual term the provincials of Sulaco applied to themselves, "have been always distinct and separated. As long as we hold Cayta nothing can reach us. In all our troubles no army has marched over those mountains. A revolution in the central provinces isolates us at once. Look how complete it is now! The news of Barrios' movement will be cabled to the United States, and only in that way will it reach Sta. Marta by the cable from the other seaboard. We have the greatest riches, the greatest fertility, the purest blood in our great families, the most laborious population. The Occidental Province should stand alone. The early Federalism was not bad for us. Then came this union which Don Henrique Gould resisted. It opened the road to tyranny; and, ever since, the rest of Costaguana hangs like a millstone round our necks. The Occidental territory is large enough to make any man's country. Look at the mountains! Nature itself seems to cry to us, 'Separate!''
[…]
She shook her head. No, she was not startled, but the idea shocked her early convictions. Her patriotism was larger. She had never considered that possibility. (II.5.66)
Martin is making the case for splitting off in order to resolve the Monterist conflict. In his view, as long as they can hold the other port town of Cayta, they've got it in the bag.
Quote #8
His opinion was that war should be declared at once against France, England, Germany, and the United States, who, by introducing railways, mining enterprises, colonization, and under such other shallow pretences, aimed at robbing poor people of their lands, and with the help of these Goths and paralytics, the aristocrats would convert them into toiling and miserable slaves. And the léperos, flinging about the corners of their dirty white mantas, yelled their approbation. General Montero, Gamacho howled with conviction, was the only man equal to the patriotic task. They assented to that, too. (III.5.19)
Here, Gamacho is whipping the pro-Monterist crowd into a frenzy by suggesting that they should declare war against three big foreign powers who have their hands in Costaguana.
Quote #9
And in the superintendent's private room the privileged passenger by the Ceres, or Juno, or Pallas, stunned and as it were annihilated mentally by a sudden surfeit of sights, sounds, names, facts, and complicated information imperfectly apprehended, would listen like a tired child to a fairy tale; would hear a voice, familiar and surprising in its pompousness, tell him, as if from another world, how there was 'in this very harbour' an international naval demonstration, which put an end to the Costaguana-Sulaco War. How the United States cruiser, Powhattan, was the first to salute the Occidental flag—white, with a wreath of green laurel in the middle encircling a yellow amarilla flower. Would hear how General Montero, in less than a month after proclaiming himself Emperor of Costaguana, was shot dead (during a solemn and public distribution of orders and crosses) by a young artillery officer, the brother of his then mistress. (III.10.35)
We get some intel on how the Costaguana-Sulaco war ended via the tales with which Captain Mitchell liked to regale his visitors.
Quote #10
"Will there be never any peace? Will there be no rest?" Mrs. Gould whispered. "I thought that we——" "No!" interrupted the doctor. "There is no peace and no rest in the development of material interests. They have their law, and their justice. But it is founded on expediency, and is inhuman; it is without rectitude, without the continuity and the force that can be found only in a moral principle. Mrs. Gould, the time approaches when all that the Gould Concession stands for shall weigh as heavily upon the people as the barbarism, cruelty, and misrule of a few years back." (III.11.45-46)
In this exchange, the doctor calls out the elephant in the room, noting that a love of "material interests" and expediency is not the same thing as acting out of morals and principles—which means conflict will be on the horizon again soon enough, in his view. He suggests that the Goulds' days of holding power with the mine are numbered.